Monday, February 7, 2011

Oh shoot! Cops fire off-target

Oh shoot! Cops fire off-target

Last Updated: 1:45 AM, February 6, 2011

Posted: 1:45 AM, February 6, 2011

Duck!

Over the past 10 years, city cops fired 4,702 bullets, accidentally pulled the trigger 323 times, and missed 78 percent of their intended targets, according to data The Post culled from a decade's worth of NYPD annual firearm-discharge reports.

Cops' bullets flew most in the 75th Precinct of East New York, Brooklyn, where lawmen gunned it out a total of 11 times in 2008 and 2009.

The area led or nearly led the city in 2010 in the four most violent crime categories: murders, 33; rapes, 61; robberies, 763; and felony assaults, 748.

At a distant second were the 67th Precinct in East Flatbush, Brooklyn, and the 44th Precinct in Morris Heights, The Bronx, which each logged seven cop-involved shootings over the past two years.

Watchdogs contend that some of the gunplay is preventable.

In the 713 reported incidents in which cops shot at civilians, the officer was the only one firing 77 percent of the time.

"The large percentage of cases in which only officers are firing weapons raises important questions about the extent to which officers may be firing excessively," said Christopher Dunn of the New York Civil Liberties Union.

Often cops don't even mean to pull the trigger.

Officers accidentally fired shots an average of 29 times a year since 1998, the stats show. The reports note that many of those shots occur when officers are struggling to apprehend a suspect.

Lawmen also draw their guns in personal battles with depression. There have been 46 police suicides since 2000.

Cops shot 337 dangerous dogs in the past 10 years.

The NYPD steadfastly maintains that The Finest are models of restraint.

The preliminary 2010 figures show that officers logged a record low number of civilians shot and injured, 16; suspects and civilians shot and killed, 8; and total shooting incidents, 93, for the second straight year. That's down from 2009, when the department counted 21 civilians shot and injured by police fire, 12 fatally shot, and 105 total gun-firing incidents.

rblau@nypost.com

Friday, February 4, 2011

Restaurant Brings Hawaiian and Japanese Flavors to East Harlem

Restaurant Brings Hawaiian and Japanese Flavors to East Harlem February 4, 2011 7:08am


Makana wants to ride the culinary wave of a neighborhood in transition.

By Jeff Mays
DNAInfo Reporter/Producer
HARLEM— When they were kids growing up on the Lower East Side, Dave Hom and Dave Chan didn't venture uptown much.
"I drove past the Apollo Theater once," Chan 34, said. "I never even really went to Midtown."
But when they were looking for a place to open up their new Hawaiian and Japanese Barbecue restaurant, Makana, East Harlem seemed like a logical choice. Rents are lower than in Central Harlem and the restaurant seemed like it would stand out.
"This area is saturated with a lot of pizza, Cuchifrito and Chinese takeout joints," Hom said. "We wanted to bring sushi and variety to a neighborhood where there isn't a lot."
That is beginning to change in East Harlem. In December, a group of restaurants banded together to put together a "Taste Trolley" tour of 18 East Harlem eateries. The cuisine ranged from Mexican to a steakhouse.
"As the population and face of the community has changed, we have seen a mushrooming of various eateries," said Kevin Walters, head of the East Harlem Restaurant and Bar Association and owner of Creole, which is located on Third Avenue between East 118th and East 119th streets.
Still, Walters estimates that 97 percent of his customers come from outside of the neighborhood.
"When we opened 7 years ago we thought there was an opportunity to be a big fish in a little bowl. We're still waiting for the community to catch up to us," said Walters.
Since opening in August, Makana, situated in a former Chinese takeout storefront on First Avenue between East 115th and East 116th streets, still gets the occasional customer looking for chicken wings and fried rice. But they've offered those customers familiar dishes like barbecue ribs and chicken teriyaki.
That has led Hom and Chan to gradually begin introducing their customers to Hawaiian treats such as Spam Musubi — seasoned rice with Spam on top wrapped in seaweed. Chan calls it the "peanut butter and jelly of Hawaii." Loco Moco, white rice topped with a hamburger patty and a fried egg, is another Hawaiian favorite.
Boris Roques, a 23-year-old from Paris who recently moved to New York, stopped by one afternoon because roommates and friends recommended the restaurant.
"If you like Mexican food it's perfect here. It's hard to find the variety of food here like downtown," Roques said. "Everybody is talking about this place because it shows the type of variety we could have in the future."
Hom and Chan have always wanted to work together. Both spent time living out West — Hom in California and Chan in Seattle — where Japanese and Hawaiian cuisine is more common. After a career in marketing, Chan decided to return to the family business — his family has owned a Chinese takeout restaurant for 30 years. Hom comes to the restaurant field after working in marketing.
The pair keep things light at the restaurant, constantly joking about needing dates. Hom is the straight man and Chan is the comedian.
"It's great to come into a new neighborhood and ask what's missing and how can we add value," Hom said.
"Actually, we got into this for the ladies," Chan said.
Makana is Chan's third restaurant. In addition to the family takeout, more than three years ago he opened L.E.S. Sushi on Grand Street.
Chan said opening Makana has been similar to his experience with L.E.S. Sushi.
"We just felt that East Harlem had that energy like the Lower East side," said Chan. "We looked at this venture sort of like surfing; you want to get in when the wave is developing."

By Jeff Mays, DNAinfo.com

Read more: http://www.dnainfo.com/20110204/harlem/restaurant-brings-hawaiian-japanese-flavors-east-harlem#ixzz1D0ZAc3LC

Thursday, February 3, 2011

Federal tax change surprises retirees

Federal tax change surprises retirees

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Thousands of state and local government retirees have been calling the Virginia Retirement System about why federal tax withholding suddenly will take more of their monthly pension.

The answer lies more with the Internal Revenue Service than with VRS, which fielded more than 1,600 telephone calls and 2,500 voice-mail messages Monday from concerned retirees.

Their concern is an annual VRS notice of monthly pension benefits, which shows a sharp increase in withholding for federal taxes. The change doesn't reflect any increase in tax liability, but withholding increased because of the expiration of a provision of the federal stimulus act on Dec. 31.

"Why weren't we forewarned that this was coming?" asked Robert Bailey, 67, a retired Colonial Heights teacher whose new monthly benefit reflects a 53 percent increase in federal withholding, or more than $48 a month.

The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act featured a stimulus payment to wage earners that reduced their withholding by $400 a year, while offering them an equal tax credit under the Making Work Pay provision. The law resulted in a reduction in federal tax withholding on May 1, 2009, causing increases in monthly benefit payments for about 60 percent of retirees in the state system, according to an explanation posted on the VRS website Tuesday.

With the law's expiration at the end of last year, the amount withheld increased and pension payments went down.

"The (tax) tables are just going back to where they used to be," said VRS Director Robert P. Schultze.

Schultze said VRS asked IRS not to change the tax tables in 2009 for retirees because they wouldn't be eligible for the tax credit unless they had earned income in addition to Social Security and pension payments.

He said VRS sent a notice to retirees more than a year ago advising them to be sure they didn't withhold too little to pay their full tax obligation, but it did not warn them when the provision was about to expire.

To make matters more confusing, a federal law took effect this month that lowers Social Security tax rates for employees by 2 percent, but that won't benefit retirees who no longer work.

"Somebody let the retirees down," Bailey said.


mmartz@timesdispatch.com

(804) 649-6964

Russell Means

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Interesting comments from Russell Means on similarities between life
In America today and the kinds of controls put on American Indians.

Denying people the right to feed themselves by controlling the food
Supply...denying people the right of free travel in their own country...
Denying people privacy...compulsory, sub-medicocre eduction.

Sound familiar?

Video:

- Brasscheck

Posted via email from blackcotton's posterous

Ragtime Archaeology:

Ragtime Archaeology:
Excavations in Scott Joplin's Neighborhood

By Timothy E. Baumann

Baumann article illustration

In 1984, Missouri State Parks acquired the last standing house or structure associated with Scott Joplin, known as the "King of Ragtime," in St. Louis and created the Scott Joplin House State Historic Site. Efforts by Jeff-Vander-Lou, Inc., a local African-American neighborhood organization, had previously saved this home from destruction and had it recognized as a National Historic Landmark site in 1976. At the turn of the century, Joplin moved from Sedalia, Missouri to St. Louis and rented the second-floor flat of this brick row house to be closer to his publisher and to the center of ragtime music. He only lived at this address for a short period between 1900 and 1903 with his first wife, Belle.

By this time, Joplin was already a well-known composer with his earlier publication of the Maple Leaf rag in 1899, which eventually sold over 500,000 copies (Berlin 1994; Curtis 1994). In St. Louis, Joplin focused on composing new rags and teaching, spending little time performing. One of his published works that was written in this house wasThe Entertainer, which was popularized again by the 1973 Paul Newman and Robert Redford movie, The Sting.

Since 1984, the Scott Joplin House State Historic Site has acquired adjacent buildings and vacant property as a buffer zone around the site and for potential future development and interpretation. For example, in the early 1990s the New Rosebud Cafe was opened in the adjacent property for receptions, ragtime performances, and parties. This venue was designed to mimic the Rosebud Bar, a historic rag joint in St. Louis operated by Tom Turpin. In 1897, Turpin was the composer of the first published rag, called the Harlem Rag (Jones 1995). In the early 1900s, the original Rosebud was located only eight blocks south of Joplin’s home and was at the center of St. Louis' African American community and Rag music nationally.

The interpretation of Scott Joplin's house has focused on the celebratory history of Scott Joplin and ragtime music. This site serves an important role in the Missouri State Parks because it is the only site dedicated to African-American heritage and located within a large urban context. [Read or download this full article here in Adobe .pdf format >>>].

Wednesday, February 2, 2011

BLACK HISTORY

Crystals and Conjuring at the Charles Carroll House, Annapolis, Maryland

Lynn Jones, University of Maryland

Introduction

During excavation of the ground floor of the Charles Carroll House, a number of quartz crystals and associated artifacts were recovered. Having received a great deal of publicity, this discovery created a lot of excitement and interest among the general public and among scholars of African and African-American history. On the verbal authority of several of these scholars, the crystals were thought to have been used by slaves and to be related to African divination and conjuring practices (Dr. Frederick Lamp, Baltimore Museum of Art; Dr. Peter Mark, Wesleyan University; Dr. Robert Farris Thompson, Yale University, 1992, personal communication).

History and Significance

The excavation at the Carroll House was conducted by Archaeology in Annapolis, a research project operated by the Department of Anthropology, University of Maryland, College Park, and by Historic Annapolis Foundation. Between 1986 and 1990, the Project excavated the garden surrounding the Charles Carroll House. The eighteenth-century landscape and its relationship to the house, and evidence of the eighteenth-century frame house which had been attached to the extant brick house were discovered during these excavations (Kryder-Reid 1991; Kryder-Reid, Leone, Einstein and Shackel 1989; Leone and Shackel 1990). In 1991, the Project was retained by the Charles Carroll House of Annapolis, Inc., a restoration organization, to excavate the ground floor of the brick mansion prior to interior restoration of the structure.

The property had been purchased in the early eighteenth century by Charles Carroll the Settler, who at his death in 1720 owned over 47,000 acres of land in Maryland including one-quarter of the lots in the city of Annapolis. In 1721, Charles Carroll of Annapolis (the Settler's son) built the brick mansion, which still stands on the property. The most famous occupant was Charles Carroll of Carrollton, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, a Maryland State Senator, and a framer of the Maryland Constitution. He was born in the house in 1737 and lived there until 1821 when he moved to Baltimore to live with his daughter (Logan 1992; Van Devanter 1975).

The significance of the ground floor of the Carroll House as an archaeological site is that it was used as working space and possibly as living space for enslaved African and African Americans. The kitchen and a cold storage room were located on the ground floor. The room next to the kitchen and cold storage room, referred to as the east wing, showed evidence of having been used as a sewing room. Many buttons, straight pins, and two pairs of scissors were among the artifacts excavated from the east wing. Thus, the ground floor of the Carroll House was the first slave quarter ever excavated in Annapolis.

Documents reflect the presence of slaves at the Carroll property. An inventory taken by Carroll in 1782 indicates 10 adult slaves and eight children living in Annapolis. The 1783 tax list for Annapolis lists Carroll's household as consisting of two white males between the ages of 16 and 50 years of age, three white females, and two other white males (no ages given), and 19 slaves.

Although we know that slaves lived and worked at the Annapolis property, we cannot say with certainty where they may have slept or kept their belongings. There is no evidence for a separate slave quarters or slave cabins on the property, so some slaves may have lived in the spaces in which they worked, such as over the coach house or stable, or in or near the kitchen or the sewing room.

Of all the ground floor rooms of the mansion, the one in the east wing proved to be the richest area of the site. The east wing was originally constructed as a hyphen to connect the brick house with the frame house and was located next to the kitchen. Archaeologists discovered that the ground-floor room of this wing once had a wooden floor with space underneath it. Late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century artifacts were found densely distributed in the soil layers under the floor (Logan 1992).

Among the many artifacts recovered were several caches of quartz crystals and other objects. The largest group of crystals, 12 in all, were found grouped together in an area about 6 inches in diameter (Figure 1). Found with them was a tiny faceted glass bead and a smooth black stone. This group of items was covered with a pearlware bowl of English manufacture turned upside down over them. The bowl is hand-painted pearlware, blue on white design; the design looks like a large asterisk or sun-burst. This group of items was located in the extreme northeast corner of the room, between the brick floor-joist sup-port and the wall. Several more crystals were found in the same room of the house (Logan et al. 1992).

Two more crystals, both approximately 1/2 inch by 1 inch in size, a piece of an ivory ring, and a bubble shell, native to Florida or the West Indies, were found just to the south of the one in which the large cache of crystals was found. These two crystals and the bubble shell were also found between the brick floor-joist support and the east wall of the room. The largest crystal found was a smoky-grey chunk which measured 4 by 3 1/2 by 6 inches and weighed approximately four pounds. This was found near a doorway on the opposite side of the room from the others (Logan et al. 1992). Ceramics, coins, and other artifacts found in the same layers as the crystals help date these layers. Pearlware, white salt-glazed stoneware, and several coins found in the same layer as the cache of 12 crystals established a date range of 1790-1820 for that layer, which was toward the end of the time period when the house was occupied by Charles Carroll of Carrollton.

Figure 1 Carroll House crystals (omitted from online version)

We know that quartz crystals and associated artifacts such as the ones found at Carroll House have been found on other archaeological sites in Maryland, Virginia, and elsewhere. Such artifacts have been found on sites associated with African Americans (both slave and free), but not on sites associated exclusively with European Americans. For example, Laura Galke reported a cache of six quartz crystals, a piece of galena, and a quartz projectile point found near the footing of a chimney at the Nash Site in Manassas National Battlefield Park (Galke 1992a:137).

At the Brownsville Site, also in Manassas National Battlefield Park, another small cache of quartz crystals was found near the remains of the chimney footing of a now-demolished house. The house is believed to have been built in the late eighteenth century and to have been used as a slave quarter for the plantation during the nineteenth century (Galke 1992b).

Excavations at the Mulberry Row slave quarters of Thomas Jefferson's Monticello revealed crystals, a cowrie shell, a horn ring, pierced coins, and a game counter with a star-like design on it (Patten 1992).

Leland Ferguson has found colonoware bowls with designs on the interior bottom similar to the design on the bowl found at the Carroll House. The design on the colonoware bowls is across with a square or a circle around it and is similar to a Bakongo cosmogram. In these cosmograms, the horizontal line represents the boundary between the world of the living and the world of the dead, and the vertical line represents the path of power from below to above (Ferguson 1992; Thompson1983).

In all these cases mentioned above, crystals, specially marked pottery, coins, reworked glass or stone, beads, and other items of material culture have been found in contexts associated with the working and living spaces used by slaves; spaces that were also used later by free African Americans.

African Traditions in America

The main questions concerning these artifacts are how were these crystals used, by whom, and for what purpose? Were they used by slaves? Were they related to the retention of African spiritual rituals?

Sidney Mintz and Richard Price assume that diverse cultures existed in Africa during the Colonial and they address the retention of elements of African culture as being the retention of shared fundamental assumptions about belief systems and world view. Africans would have come from different areas of West Africa, different tribal groups, and would have spoken mutually unintelligible languages. People from different cultural groups in Africa may have shared basic assumptions about social relations, about what values motivate individuals, and about the way the world functions and about the relationship between living people and the dead, ancestors and kinship, the spirit world (Mintz and Price 1976:23).

Controlling the Spirits

When many Africans were transported to the New World and came into daily contact with people from other areas of Africa, modification of culture, language, and religion would have taken place. However, underlying the diverse cultures and specific beliefs was a world view which included belief in a High God or Supreme Being, in secondary gods, in the spirits of ancestors, and in the ability of humans to control spirit forces. Thus, African belief systems may have been adapted and reinterpreted, giving them material and ritual manifestations specific to the New World. (Mintz and Price 1976; Herskovits 1958)

The spirits of ancestors were considered to be powerful forces which could intervene in the daily affairs of living people. Ancestors were also guardians of the traditions and culture of a people, and could punish people for not maintaining the traditional customs (Raboteau 1978). Ways of communicating with ancestors and controlling spirit forces include divination, conjuring, witchcraft, sorcery, and curing. These practices have in common the human need to control and direct spirits, to predict and control fortune and misfortune, to protect from harm, and to gain knowledge about the future.

Raboteau explains that conjure is both a theory to explain the mystery of evil and also a practice for controlling or counteracting it. Conjurers could put a harmful spell on a person or could remove the spell. The equipment used by the conjurer included a cane, a charm, and a conjure bag. The charmed objects contained in the conjure bag might include graveyard dirt, glass, pins, bones, reptiles, hair, roots, and herbs. Sometimes stones are used in conjuring, such as in certain rain-making rituals. John Mbiti mentions the use of sacred objects and "'rain stones' some of which are rare and others [which] are believed to have fallen from the sky." Rain is regarded by some Africans as a sacred phenomenon, a mystical link between past, present and future. It is a manifestation of the eternal in the present "as it came, it comes, and it will come" (Raboteau 1969; Mbiti 1969:181).

Robert Farris Thompson explains the use of objects in Kongo healing arts in his book Flash of the Spirit. He examines the nkisi charm as it is used in curing and divination rituals. The nkisi is a group of objects believed to have a soul and a life of its own which contains medicines that are spirit-embodying and spirit-directing. The nkisi container can be a bag, a ceramic vessel, a wooden statue, or a cloth bundle (Thompson 1983).

The materials which embody spirit are cemetery earth, kaolin or white clay, or powdered camwood wrapped in leaves or cloth bundles. Sometimes mirrors or pieces of porcelain are attached to the outside of the nkisi. Spirit-directing elements include seeds, stones, sticks, bones, shells. These objects direct the power of the spirit toward whatever problem needs to be solved (Thompson 1983).

In Art and Healing of the Bakongo, Wyatt MacGaffey has translated KiKongo texts describing and explaining the uses of minkisi (plural for nkisi). In the early part of this century a number of African healers or diviners gave their minkisi to the Swedish missionary Karl Laman. Laman collected these objects and recorded much information about them as the healers explained in their own languages how these minkisi were made and used (MacGaffey 1991).

Each nkisi has a name, an individual composition, and is used for a particular purpose. Each one is slightly different than the others; each healer or diviner composes his own nkisi as a personalized force. Some are used for healing, some for divination, or to obtain wealth, or for success in warfare (MacGaffey 1991).

Nkisi Mbenza is "for blessing a man who has engendered a child by his own wife. This nkisi contains stones, quartz crystals, pieces of iron, and crab claws. When a man's first child is born, he is subject to certain taboos. Violators are afflicted with chest pains and coughing which the Nkisi Mbenza is used to cure (MacGaffey 1991).

Another nkisi containing quartz crystals is the Nkita Nsumbu which is also used for healing. It contains, among other things, quartz crystals, smooth stones, claws, pieces of iron, and brass or iron rings wrapped up in a cloth bundle. This nkisi has the spirit of land and the spirit of water; it is used to heal swelling of the body or boils (MacGaffey 1991).

By comparing these examples to the material found at the Carroll House, we can see definite similarities. Several of the nkisi from the Laman collection include many of the same materials as found at Carroll House, such as quartz crystals, crab claws, metal or ivory rings, smooth stones, bones and teeth. The large cache of object found at the Carroll House included crystals, a clear bead, a smooth black stone, and a bowl with a design resembling a Bakongo cosmogram. The bowl may have been used as a container for the crystals and other objects. Another group of artifacts from the Carroll House included crystals, an ivory ring, and a bubble shell. All of these items from the caches at the Carroll House are similar to the items included in the minkisi described by Bakongo healers (MacGaffey 1991).

The artifacts excavated at the Carroll House indicate that one, or possibly more, of Charles Carroll's slaves may have been a conjurer or diviner. Perhaps other slaves in town and from the surrounding nearby plantations consulted this person about their various problems. African and African-American slaves believed that it was possible to control supernatural powers. Drawing from slave narratives, Albert Raboteau describes a great deal of such activity in slave communities in the South. "Dey powder up de rattle offen de snake and tie it up in de little old rag bag and dey do devilment with it. Dey git dirt out de graveyard and dat dir, after dey speak on it, would make you go crazy." Slaves believed that the "conjure doctor had the power to "fix" and to remove "fixes," to harm and to cure, [that] it was possible to locate the source of misfortune and control it" (Raboteau 1969:276). The conjurers had power in the slave community because of this ability to control supernatural powers and they cultivated an aura of mystery that lent credibility to their reputations.

Conclusion

Many scholars have shown that slaves retained elements of their African cultures. These cultural traditions were expressed in social institutions and relationships, in religious life, and in material culture which slaves created and used within the constraints of slavery. One of the most persistent cultural retentions was the belief in the ability of humans to control spirits, influence fortune, and heal social or physical illnesses through the use of spiritually charged objects. Artifacts such as the crystals, the smooth black stone, ivory and brass rings, a glass bead, bones, and crab claws found in the east wing of the Carroll House may be the material expression of such beliefs in Annapolis. Some of Charles Carroll's slaves living and working at the Annapolis mansion may have composed minkisi to help them deal with the difficulties of life under the system of slave labor pervasive in this country in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.


Joyner Returns To New York

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Joyner Returns To New York

Tom JoynerStarting February 7, the syndicated Tom Joyner Show will be heard in New York once again, as the show returns to Emmis Urban AC WRKS "98.7 Kiss FM."The show previously had a run on Kiss from 2001 – 2003. More recently, Kiss has been running a show anchored by comedian D.L. Hughley, which ran into legal issues when Hughley, his one-time syndicator URBan Radio, and Emmis were having a dispute over who was responsible for paying the morning man. Now with Joyner, Emmis will have a morning team that includes appearances by Hughley as well as his former Kiss sidekick Jacque Reid, along with the usual Joyner cast of characters. The show will also have a local presence with long-time Kiss newsman Bob Slade handling on air duties from the New York studios.

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Tuesday, February 1, 2011

A Harlem Cultural Hub Is Threatened by Debt

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A Harlem Cultural Hub Is Threatened by Debt

Theirs was a partnership built on vision and pride and rooted in a building at the very heart of black America.

In 2002 the National Black Theater, a cultural anchor of Harlem, invited the owners of Nubian Heritage, a growing beauty-care company with an African pedigree, to invest in its sprawling building at Fifth Avenue and 125th Street.

The theater, created in the turmoil of the civil rights movement, had owned the building for 19 years. But now it faced foreclosure, as large construction loans remained unpaid.

For the theater, its new partners held the promise of revenue and revival. For the businessmen, two former street vendors from Liberia, the building provided a flagship store in a historic neighborhood.

Nine years later, though, the store is closed; the partnership owes nearly $1.8 million in unpaid property taxes; and the theater is facing foreclosure yet again, a plight it blames on its partners, men it once embraced as kindred spirits and now in court accuses of mismanagement and fraud.

"This debt has placed the theater's home at risk like nothing else ever has," said Raymond N. Hannigan, the theater's lawyer.

Founded in 1968 by Barbara Ann Teer, the theater was created to showcase productions by, and about, black Americans at a time when such stories rarely appeared on the mainstream stage. It has evolved into a cultural spawning ground, one that presents shows and workshops intended to foster respect for African ancestry and for black self-expression, and one graced over the years by artists like Ruby Dee and Ossie Davis, Nina Simone, Nikki Giovanni and Maya Angelou.

But the theater's story is also a cautionary tale about what can happen when arts groups extend beyond their comfort zone to find revenue, as is increasingly popular in the poorly financed arts world. Ms. Teer was a pathfinder in such efforts. From the day in 1983 when she bought the building, a former jewelry factory, she hoped to finance her work with rent from the other tenants. "The real estate subsidizes the art," she liked to say.

The men Ms. Teer later picked to be her lead partners in that effort, Richelieu Dennis and Nyema Tubman, began their careers on 125th Street, peddling organic shea-butter soaps, much like the ones Mr. Dennis's grandmother once sold at village markets in Africa. Today they operate several companies on Long Island that make skin and hair care products derived from African ingredients, which they market online and through major retailers like Target. Dun & Bradstreet estimated that the primary company has $6 million in annual gross sales.

"My whole life has been about building community, building business in our community, empowering people in our community," Mr. Dennis said.

But Ms. Teer's two children, who have run the theater since their mother died nearly three years ago, accuse their partners of leveraging the value of the theater's building to secure funds for their other businesses and saddling it with debt.

And when the Harlem store closed, the children say their partners ignored the property taxes in an effort to force a sale of the building.

"There are too many things happening at the same time to be a mistake," said Ms. Teer's son, Michael Lythcott, a business consultant who said the theater's very existence was threatened.

Mr. Dennis denied the charges. As the manager of the building, the partnership led by Mr. Dennis and Mr. Tubman was responsible for its business affairs. But Mr. Dennis said he assumed the bank was paying the taxes.

"I've never one day tried to do anything that would any way, shape or form jeopardize the theater," he said.

In 1968, a year when the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Ignited the tinder that was American race relations, Ms. Teer issued something of a cultural manifesto.

In The New York Times, she wrote of the need to build cultural centers "where we can find out how talented we really are, where we can be what we were born to be, and not what we were brainwashed to be, where we can literally 'blow our minds' with blackness."

Her theater in Harlem was the end product of that effort. At first she carved out space where she could find it: an Elks Lodge on West 127th Street, a loft on East 125th Street where she shared space with the Last Poets.

Harlem Before the Boom

It was a Harlem before gentrification, one where brownstones were often not coveted but abandoned.

The theater was not just a place to see a show but also a forge where Ms. Teer worked to shape cultural identity. Art was supposed to uplift. Tickets were free or inexpensive. Ms. Teer gave up her acting career and until the mid-1980s she wrote for and directed the theater's repertory company, some of whose productions were broadcast on PBS and staged at national and international halls like Lincoln Center.

"She felt that the arts were a key part of saving the soul of Harlem," said Geoffrey Canada, the educator whose Harlem Children's Zone rents space there.

Ms. Teer could afford to buy the 64-000-square-foot building on Fifth Avenue because it had been damaged in a fire. She secured a state loan and other money to convert it partially into a theater, offices and stores. At the 1989 groundbreaking, presided over by Gov. Mario M. Cuomo, she compared her complex to the Tuskegee Institute, the Alabama college that Booker T. Washington helped found.

It was the kind of grand, exuberant statement Ms. Teer was known for, and when she died years later in 2008, at 71, her family and friends gave her a grand, exuberant send-off: a march through Harlem with drummers to a packed funeral at Riverside Church. Her family placed a live elephant, her favorite animal, along the route; fireworks by Grucci burst in the sky that night.

But financial problems were never far away, and they had become critical in 2002, when construction loans from the renovations came due. Mr. Lythcott said the theater expected government loans to settle the debt. When loans did not materialize, the theater began searching for a possible partner.

Mr. Dennis and Mr. Tubman learned of the theater's predicament from a man who sold jewelry at their Brooklyn store, one of two they had at the time. Both graduates of Babson College in Massachusetts, they had chosen to stay on in the United States when Liberia, their homeland, became engulfed by civil war.

"Mom appreciated their vision and what they wanted to contribute to the community," Sade Lythcott, Ms. Teer's daughter, said of the men.

Harlem officials also were impressed by the businessmen's plan: a beauty products store, with a cafe, on the first floor; a spa with a giant hot tub on the second; and a plan to market their products online. The officials provided Nubian Heritage and a related company with $1.4 million in government-financed business development loans.

"They seemed to personify these emerging entrepreneurs, this new generation of entrepreneurs that were moving to Harlem," said Kenneth J. Knuckles, president of the Upper Manhattan Empowerment Zone, the development corporation that made the loans.

Under the original terms of the partnership, the businessmen agreed to manage the theater building and its half-dozen tenants. They would take two-thirds of any profits. They would pay rent for their own space, and they would pay the mortgage from their assets, not from the building's operating income. (Mr. Lythcott said the partners agreed to pay the mortgage themselves because they had put up only $800,000 to become partners in a building worth more than $10 million. Mr. Dennis says the amount was $1 million.)

"The possibility of this partnership," Ms. Teer wrote in a later e-mail to her colleagues, "is designed to shift the consciousness of people all over the world."

A Partnership Frays

From the start, though, there were problems.

The businessmen rarely paid their own rent and used the other tenants' rents to pay the mortgage, the theater asserts. There were never any profits to share with the theater. Ms. Teer often complained that her partners were ignoring maintenance and failed to provide her with financial records.

"At least during our five-year foreclosure period, we were clear who the enemy was, therefore we felt in control of our destiny," she wrote in a 2004 e-mail to Mr. Dennis. "But when dealing with friends, we don't know where to turn to voice our complaints."

Mr. Dennis said in an interview that he and his partners had been too quick to sign up to help the theater. They soon found the financial arrangement they had agreed to untenable and the building in worse shape than they had realized, he said. When the renovations took longer than expected, and their store opened late, Mr. Dennis said they had trouble meeting their financial commitments to the partnership.

To upgrade the building, the theater partnership, led by the businessmen, began to take out millions of dollars in loans by refinancing. One of the theater's largest objections is how this money was spent.

Some of it went to create the elegant spa, which never opened. Today its hot tub sits empty. Other equipment lies unwrapped in its dusty packaging.

More significantly, Mr. Lythcott charges that other loan proceeds went to pay off the businessmen's expenses unrelated to the building. He points, for example, to $250,000 disbursed as part of a $6.5 million refinancing of the property in 2006. The closing documents show the money went to help pay off two loans, identified only by their account numbers. Mr. Lythcott said neither loan was connected to the property.

Mr. Dennis's lawyer, Craig J. Albert, said all the money from the refinancings was spent on the building and that the theater was aware of how it was being spent.

Ms. Teer went along with these refinancings, from which the theater received more than $600,000 over the years. Her son said it was the only way to derive income from the partnership for a theater that costs roughly $470,000 a year to operate and had incurred expenses when it relocated in the building to make room for the spa. Despite the infusions of cash, by 2008 the businessmen had closed their store, abandoned plans for a spa and defaulted on their Empowerment Zone loans. The Empowerment Zone sued them.

At this point, the partners proposed subleasing their empty store to Applebee's, the chain restaurant. Mr. Dennis said the income would have helped him and his partners meet their commitments. But the theater sued its partners and moved to block the sublease, arguing it had not signed off on it.

Ms. Teer said Applebee's did not fit with her cultural mission. Her son objected that the deal was structured as a sublease, so the restaurant's rent would have gone to the partners, not the joint venture as a whole.

Around this time, Mr. Knuckles, the Empowerment Zone president, met with Ms. Teer. She seemed to be feeling stress over her partners, he said. "She was looking for ways to possibly buy them out," he said, "and we couldn't entertain any of that. It's not our business model."

Ms. Teer died a year before a Manhattan Supreme Court justice who reviewed the sublease issue ruled in her favor.

Today the rest of the lawsuit continues. The Nubian Heritage store space remains empty, its display window broken and patched with plastic.

But the most pressing issue is the tax bill. It first went unpaid in 2007, unbeknownst to the theater. Now, with penalties and assessment increases that the partners have challenged, the bill stands at nearly $1.8 million, which neither party says it can pay.

Mr. Lythcott said the bank that holds the mortgage, Sovereign, should have been paying the taxes. And he said the theater's partners had to know the taxes were unpaid because the city sends delinquency notices to property owners. Mr. Dennis said he never saw a delinquency notice. "I don't know if somebody else got it," he said.

The bank, which has filed to foreclose on the mortgage — a process that typically takes months to resolve — said it followed its procedures correctly, but did not elaborate.

Ms. Lythcott said her mother never complained more broadly about her partners because, as Ms. Lythcott put it, they were once "Harlem's darlings," men whose company Web sites speak of their efforts to foster education in Liberia and youth and community development in New York. Mr. Dennis said it pained him to be viewed as a villain by the theater because the partners did things like employ building staff members who primarily worked for the theater, an assertion Mr. Lythcott denied.

"Everything that I've done, throughout all, even to today," Mr. Dennis said, "has been to support the theater and a lot of times to my own detriment."

Mr. Lythcott's response: "It's just sad that they would take absolutely no personal responsibility."

If the building is sold — for example, to a commercial venture seeking to redevelop a property in a desirable location — Ms. Teer's children said it would be difficult to find new space.

Under the partnership agreement, the theater is due 40 percent of any sale proceeds (the partners get the rest), but the building is carrying more than $8 million in debt and back taxes.

And such a sale, the children said, would do little to save their mother' legacy, which is tied to a particular building on a block she had renamed National Black Theater Way.

"That building and her," Mr. Lythcott said in a 2008 deposition, "were like the same thing."


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A Harlem Cultural Hub Is Threatened by Debt

A Harlem Cultural Hub Is Threatened by Debt

Theirs was a partnership built on vision and pride and rooted in a building at the very heart of black America.

In 2002 the National Black Theater, a cultural anchor of Harlem, invited the owners of Nubian Heritage, a growing beauty-care company with an African pedigree, to invest in its sprawling building at Fifth Avenue and 125th Street.

The theater, created in the turmoil of the civil rights movement, had owned the building for 19 years. But now it faced foreclosure, as large construction loans remained unpaid.

For the theater, its new partners held the promise of revenue and revival. For the businessmen, two former street vendors from Liberia, the building provided a flagship store in a historic neighborhood.

Nine years later, though, the store is closed; the partnership owes nearly $1.8 million in unpaid property taxes; and the theater is facing foreclosure yet again, a plight it blames on its partners, men it once embraced as kindred spirits and now in court accuses of mismanagement and fraud.

“This debt has placed the theater’s home at risk like nothing else ever has,” said Raymond N. Hannigan, the theater’s lawyer.

Founded in 1968 by Barbara Ann Teer, the theater was created to showcase productions by, and about, black Americans at a time when such stories rarely appeared on the mainstream stage. It has evolved into a cultural spawning ground, one that presents shows and workshops intended to foster respect for African ancestry and for black self-expression, and one graced over the years by artists like Ruby Dee and Ossie Davis, Nina Simone, Nikki Giovanni and Maya Angelou.

But the theater’s story is also a cautionary tale about what can happen when arts groups extend beyond their comfort zone to find revenue, as is increasingly popular in the poorly financed arts world. Ms. Teer was a pathfinder in such efforts. From the day in 1983 when she bought the building, a former jewelry factory, she hoped to finance her work with rent from the other tenants. “The real estate subsidizes the art,” she liked to say.

The men Ms. Teer later picked to be her lead partners in that effort, Richelieu Dennis and Nyema Tubman, began their careers on 125th Street, peddling organic shea-butter soaps, much like the ones Mr. Dennis’s grandmother once sold at village markets in Africa. Today they operate several companies on Long Island that make skin and hair care products derived from African ingredients, which they market online and through major retailers like Target. Dun & Bradstreet estimated that the primary company has $6 million in annual gross sales.

“My whole life has been about building community, building business in our community, empowering people in our community,” Mr. Dennis said.

But Ms. Teer’s two children, who have run the theater since their mother died nearly three years ago, accuse their partners of leveraging the value of the theater’s building to secure funds for their other businesses and saddling it with debt.

And when the Harlem store closed, the children say their partners ignored the property taxes in an effort to force a sale of the building.

“There are too many things happening at the same time to be a mistake,” said Ms. Teer’s son, Michael Lythcott, a business consultant who said the theater’s very existence was threatened.

Mr. Dennis denied the charges. As the manager of the building, the partnership led by Mr. Dennis and Mr. Tubman was responsible for its business affairs. But Mr. Dennis said he assumed the bank was paying the taxes.

“I’ve never one day tried to do anything that would any way, shape or form jeopardize the theater,” he said.

In 1968, a year when the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. ignited the tinder that was American race relations, Ms. Teer issued something of a cultural manifesto.

In The New York Times, she wrote of the need to build cultural centers “where we can find out how talented we really are, where we can be what we were born to be, and not what we were brainwashed to be, where we can literally ‘blow our minds’ with blackness.”

Her theater in Harlem was the end product of that effort. At first she carved out space where she could find it: an Elks Lodge on West 127th Street, a loft on East 125th Street where she shared space with the Last Poets.

Harlem Before the Boom

It was a Harlem before gentrification, one where brownstones were often not coveted but abandoned.

The theater was not just a place to see a show but also a forge where Ms. Teer worked to shape cultural identity. Art was supposed to uplift. Tickets were free or inexpensive. Ms. Teer gave up her acting career and until the mid-1980s she wrote for and directed the theater’s repertory company, some of whose productions were broadcast on PBS and staged at national and international halls like Lincoln Center.

“She felt that the arts were a key part of saving the soul of Harlem,” said Geoffrey Canada, the educator whose Harlem Children’s Zone rents space there.

Ms. Teer could afford to buy the 64-000-square-foot building on Fifth Avenue because it had been damaged in a fire. She secured a state loan and other money to convert it partially into a theater, offices and stores. At the 1989 groundbreaking, presided over by Gov. Mario M. Cuomo, she compared her complex to the Tuskegee Institute, the Alabama college that Booker T. Washington helped found.

It was the kind of grand, exuberant statement Ms. Teer was known for, and when she died years later in 2008, at 71, her family and friends gave her a grand, exuberant send-off: a march through Harlem with drummers to a packed funeral at Riverside Church. Her family placed a live elephant, her favorite animal, along the route; fireworks by Grucci burst in the sky that night.

But financial problems were never far away, and they had become critical in 2002, when construction loans from the renovations came due. Mr. Lythcott said the theater expected government loans to settle the debt. When loans did not materialize, the theater began searching for a possible partner.

Mr. Dennis and Mr. Tubman learned of the theater’s predicament from a man who sold jewelry at their Brooklyn store, one of two they had at the time. Both graduates of Babson College in Massachusetts, they had chosen to stay on in the United States when Liberia, their homeland, became engulfed by civil war.

“Mom appreciated their vision and what they wanted to contribute to the community,” Sade Lythcott, Ms. Teer’s daughter, said of the men.

Harlem officials also were impressed by the businessmen’s plan: a beauty products store, with a cafe, on the first floor; a spa with a giant hot tub on the second; and a plan to market their products online. The officials provided Nubian Heritage and a related company with $1.4 million in government-financed business development loans.

“They seemed to personify these emerging entrepreneurs, this new generation of entrepreneurs that were moving to Harlem,” said Kenneth J. Knuckles, president of the Upper Manhattan Empowerment Zone, the development corporation that made the loans.

Under the original terms of the partnership, the businessmen agreed to manage the theater building and its half-dozen tenants. They would take two-thirds of any profits. They would pay rent for their own space, and they would pay the mortgage from their assets, not from the building’s operating income. (Mr. Lythcott said the partners agreed to pay the mortgage themselves because they had put up only $800,000 to become partners in a building worth more than $10 million. Mr. Dennis says the amount was $1 million.)

“The possibility of this partnership,” Ms. Teer wrote in a later e-mail to her colleagues, “is designed to shift the consciousness of people all over the world.”

A Partnership Frays

From the start, though, there were problems.

The businessmen rarely paid their own rent and used the other tenants’ rents to pay the mortgage, the theater asserts. There were never any profits to share with the theater. Ms. Teer often complained that her partners were ignoring maintenance and failed to provide her with financial records.

“At least during our five-year foreclosure period, we were clear who the enemy was, therefore we felt in control of our destiny,” she wrote in a 2004 e-mail to Mr. Dennis. “But when dealing with friends, we don’t know where to turn to voice our complaints.”

Mr. Dennis said in an interview that he and his partners had been too quick to sign up to help the theater. They soon found the financial arrangement they had agreed to untenable and the building in worse shape than they had realized, he said. When the renovations took longer than expected, and their store opened late, Mr. Dennis said they had trouble meeting their financial commitments to the partnership.

To upgrade the building, the theater partnership, led by the businessmen, began to take out millions of dollars in loans by refinancing. One of the theater’s largest objections is how this money was spent.

Some of it went to create the elegant spa, which never opened. Today its hot tub sits empty. Other equipment lies unwrapped in its dusty packaging.

More significantly, Mr. Lythcott charges that other loan proceeds went to pay off the businessmen’s expenses unrelated to the building. He points, for example, to $250,000 disbursed as part of a $6.5 million refinancing of the property in 2006. The closing documents show the money went to help pay off two loans, identified only by their account numbers. Mr. Lythcott said neither loan was connected to the property.

Mr. Dennis’s lawyer, Craig J. Albert, said all the money from the refinancings was spent on the building and that the theater was aware of how it was being spent.

Ms. Teer went along with these refinancings, from which the theater received more than $600,000 over the years. Her son said it was the only way to derive income from the partnership for a theater that costs roughly $470,000 a year to operate and had incurred expenses when it relocated in the building to make room for the spa. Despite the infusions of cash, by 2008 the businessmen had closed their store, abandoned plans for a spa and defaulted on their Empowerment Zone loans. The Empowerment Zone sued them.

At this point, the partners proposed subleasing their empty store to Applebee’s, the chain restaurant. Mr. Dennis said the income would have helped him and his partners meet their commitments. But the theater sued its partners and moved to block the sublease, arguing it had not signed off on it.

Ms. Teer said Applebee’s did not fit with her cultural mission. Her son objected that the deal was structured as a sublease, so the restaurant’s rent would have gone to the partners, not the joint venture as a whole.

Around this time, Mr. Knuckles, the Empowerment Zone president, met with Ms. Teer. She seemed to be feeling stress over her partners, he said. “She was looking for ways to possibly buy them out,” he said, “and we couldn’t entertain any of that. It’s not our business model.”

Ms. Teer died a year before a Manhattan Supreme Court justice who reviewed the sublease issue ruled in her favor.

Today the rest of the lawsuit continues. The Nubian Heritage store space remains empty, its display window broken and patched with plastic.

But the most pressing issue is the tax bill. It first went unpaid in 2007, unbeknownst to the theater. Now, with penalties and assessment increases that the partners have challenged, the bill stands at nearly $1.8 million, which neither party says it can pay.

Mr. Lythcott said the bank that holds the mortgage, Sovereign, should have been paying the taxes. And he said the theater’s partners had to know the taxes were unpaid because the city sends delinquency notices to property owners. Mr. Dennis said he never saw a delinquency notice. “I don’t know if somebody else got it,” he said.

The bank, which has filed to foreclose on the mortgage — a process that typically takes months to resolve — said it followed its procedures correctly, but did not elaborate.

Ms. Lythcott said her mother never complained more broadly about her partners because, as Ms. Lythcott put it, they were once “Harlem’s darlings,” men whose company Web sites speak of their efforts to foster education in Liberia and youth and community development in New York. Mr. Dennis said it pained him to be viewed as a villain by the theater because the partners did things like employ building staff members who primarily worked for the theater, an assertion Mr. Lythcott denied.

“Everything that I’ve done, throughout all, even to today,” Mr. Dennis said, “has been to support the theater and a lot of times to my own detriment.”

Mr. Lythcott’s response: “It’s just sad that they would take absolutely no personal responsibility.”

If the building is sold — for example, to a commercial venture seeking to redevelop a property in a desirable location — Ms. Teer’s children said it would be difficult to find new space.

Under the partnership agreement, the theater is due 40 percent of any sale proceeds (the partners get the rest), but the building is carrying more than $8 million in debt and back taxes.

And such a sale, the children said, would do little to save their mother’ legacy, which is tied to a particular building on a block she had renamed National Black Theater Way.

“That building and her,” Mr. Lythcott said in a 2008 deposition, “were like the same thing.”


Eugenio Arango, Cuban-Born Musician Known as Totico, Dies at 76

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Eugenio Arango, Cuban-Born Musician Known as Totico, Dies at 76

Eugenio Arango, better known as Totico, a Cuban-born percussionist and singer who was one of the most celebrated figures in the drumming, dancing and singing culture of New York rumba, died on Jan. 21 in the Bronx, where he lived. He was 76.

His death, in a hospice, was confirmed by his godson, the percussionist Carlos Sanchez, who did not specify the cause.

Born on June 2, 1934, in the Los Sitios district of Havana, Mr. Arango was a dockworker who played in local rumba circles; he shipped out of Cuba as a merchant seaman in 1959, landing in Boston and then moving to New York City.

He appeared on the jazz drummer Max Roach's 1961 album "Percussion Bitter Sweet," and with the Cuban flutist and violinist Pupi Legarreta's charanga group on the 1963 record "Salsa Nova con Pupi Legarreta." Later in the decade he recorded some of the most famous examples of rumba, the secular, percussion-forward Afro-Cuban music associated with street convocations and dancing — a sound that floats serene vocal melodies over interweaving drums.

Mr. Arango was an important singer in this style, with a strong, lean, high voice. He is best known for his role in the album "Patato & Totico," released by Verve in 1968, which documented a historic arrangement of musicians: Mr. Arango and Carlos (Patato) Valdez sang and drummed in front of a group including the tres player Arsenio Rodríguez and the bassist Israel (Cachao) López, two of the most influential Cuban artists of the 20th century. That album also fed a social phenomenon in New York: the cross-generational and cross-cultural ritual of the rumba circles in places like Orchard Beach in the Bronx, Marcus Garvey Park in Harlem, and Central Park.

More and more through the 1960s, Afro-Cubans, New York Puerto Ricans and African-Americans convened on Sunday afternoons to play various kinds of rumba; the music united people of different backgrounds forming their own connections to Afro-Latin culture and history. When "Patato & Totico" was released there were few other recorded examples of authentic rumba played by Cubans in New York City. The record became a primary document of the rumba subculture, something to emulate and practice along with.

"Any rumbero who was worth anything would have picked it up," said Mr. Sanchez, who started playing with Mr. Arango in 1975, usually for religious ceremonies. In a forthcoming essay for Centro Journal, Berta Jottar, an independent scholar who writes about New York rumba history, calls the record a "national hymn" for the so-called Nuyorican generation coming of age in the 1960s and '70s.

Mr. Arango played in some nightclub bands in those years and made a few salsa records with the Puerto Rican percussionist Kako Bastar, under the name Kako y Totico. But he directed himself, musically and otherwise, more toward Santería, the Afro-Cuban religion for which he made religious articles for altars and rituals — which he sold directly or through local botanicas — and in which he would eventually become a high priest, or babalawo. And he taught many younger drummers, particularly in the 6/8 rhythms of the ceremonial style called guiro.

Another important album, "Totico y sus Rumberos" (1982), extended the model of "Patato & Totico," with the Cuban percussionist Orlando (Puntillo) Rios and a younger generation of Afro-Latin rumberos. The cover depicts the album's 11 musicians arranged around a lamppost near the Orchard Beach pavilion; inside are stately religious chants, rumba and a startling version of the 1962 doo-wop hit "What's Your Name," with drumming in Cuban clave rhythm.

Mr. Arango's survivors include his wife, Zunilda Arango, and a daughter, Lazara Arango.


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Sal Picinich, 'Cake Boss' baker, dies at age 63 of cancer

Sal Picinich, 'Cake Boss' baker, dies at age 63 of cancer; TLC sends condolences to Buddy Valastro

BY SORAYA ROBERTS
DAILY NEWS STAFF WRITER

Tuesday, February 1st 2011, 3:04 PM

Sal Picinich, 'Cake Boss' baker who worked at Carlo's Bakery for 45 years, has died at the age of 63 of cancer.

TLC

Sal Picinich, 'Cake Boss' baker who worked at Carlo's Bakery for 45 years, has died at the age of 63 of cancer.

RELATED NEWS

Sal Picinich, the baker who rose to fame on the TLC reality show "Cake Boss," has died at the age of 63.

His wife, Lucille, told the North Jersey Record that he died from cancer.

A tribute aired at the end of the Monday night episode of the TLC show, which centers on Carlo's Bakery in Hoboken, where Picinich worked for 45 years, originally under "Cake Boss" star Buddy Valastro’s father.

"TLC was saddened to learn of the passing of Sal Picinich, a beloved Carlo's Bakery employee featured on 'Cake Boss," TLC said in an official statement. "We join Buddy Valastro and the entire Carlo's crew in sending Sal's family our sincerest condolences."

Picinich stopped appearing on the TLC show in 2009 when he reportedly started battling cancer.

"The minute he didn't go down to Carlo's Bakery was the minute I knew Sal was starting to feel pain," his wife told the Record.

He briefly returned to "Cake Boss" last year for the Employee of the Century of the Award, which he accepted on the 100th anniversary of the bakery.

Picinich is survived by his two children, grandchildren and his wife of 38 years.

His funeral will be held Friday in East Rutherford.

The fourth season of "Cake Boss" airs Mondays on TLC.

Read more: http://www.nydailynews.com/entertainment/tv/2011/02/01/2011-02-01_sal_picinich_cake_boss_baker_dies_at_age_63_of_cancer_tlc_sends_condolences_to_b.html#ixzz1CkPYkwSX